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Moshe Feiglin
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Authentic Jewish Leadership for Israel


The Jewish Leadership Weekly Newsletter
3 Sivan, 5772 (May 24, '12) Issue 7234

Click here for Rob's Shul newsletter. Print out and distribute in your community.

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Manhigut Yehudit 10th Annual NY Dinner

Honoring

Moshe and Tzippy Feiglin

15 Sivan / June 5

Terrace on the Park (near Laguardia airport)

These two heroes have given EVERYTHING for the cause.
Please honor them by coming to the dinner or at least sending in a generous ad

Click here for more info and registration

 

In this Issue:

Sign the Contract


From a letter to Moshe Feiglin, written this week by one of Manhigut Yehudit's "secular" members:

Dear Moshe,

I once again studied our contract with G-d and the reality described in the book of Leviticus chapter 26. After the promises of the benefits we will receive if we uphold the contract (And you will eat your bread to satiation and you will dwell securely in your Land) and before the promise that even if we do not uphold the contract and we are expelled from here, G-d will still keep the Land for us (And I will bring the land into desolation; and your enemies that dwell there shall be astonished) come the warnings about what will happen to us if we do not uphold the contract. Among all the other calamities, are the words: And your strength will be spent in vain.

And your strength will be spent in vain is our reality today. Our national gear box is in neutral. We have a government with unprecedented power, an economy that is burgeoning even as the rest of the world economies sink, we have the potential to blow up the entire Middle East and the ability to turn off half the world's electricity with just a few clicks of the computer in Glilot. Nevertheless, we are drifting along, abstaining, giving in and unable – neither physically nor spiritually – to deal with our problems: Not only are we incapable of dealing with Iran or the Arabs; we can't even figure out how to deal with the Africans infiltrating our country.

We have a contract that is clear, logical, worthwhile and simply necessary within the framework of reality in this Land. The contract even includes a supernatural insurance policy that guarantees us a reserved space here even if we abrogate it. And today, after millennia of experience, we are supposed to understand that it is best if we keep our end of the deal; it is simply the right thing to do.

It is up to us to choose.

Uri

The holiday of Shavuot is the time when we renew our contract with G-d. May we be loyal to all its clauses!

Shabbat Shalom and Happy Shavuot,

Moshe Feiglin

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Ominous Deja Vu: By Moshe Feiglin

Unease. Déjà vu from Sharon's great Expulsion. It began with an article by Hagai Segal, who depicted the insistence of the residents of Migron not to move from their current location as a sort of childish stubbornness; as if they were picking a fight instead of accepting a solution. After all, Kedumim was founded after it was moved from its original location and ultimately it grew into an anchor settlement with satellite settlements around it. So how dare those 'children' of Migron, who never heard of settler leader Zambish, think otherwise?

After reading that article, I already began to feel that we lost: Migron, Ulpana Hill, it doesn't really matter what exactly will happen on the ground. Just like in Gush Katif, the on the ground struggle is really just make-believe. The real decisions on the fate of the settlements are being made in an entirely different place where the principle has already been determined – or to be more specific – preserved. Now it is just a question of price. The deal is really being closed between the settler leaders with the same old Sebastia/Kfar Maimon mentality and the Prime Minister's advisors.

I spent this week running to meetings with the Likud ministers, trying to convince them to vote in favor of the "Ulpana Law". They are all truly in favor of settlement. They genuinely do not want to see it destroyed. They want to help any way they can. But somehow, I left each meeting with a sinking feeling. Now as then, the real battlefield is above our heads, in a completely different place.

In a lively two-hour conversation, one of the ministers analyzed the entire scheme of considerations and pressures with which the government is dealing. He left no stone unturned as he explained the facts in detail and analyzed them once again. But he gave me no answer.

When we got up to leave, I said to him, "You know, there is a certain moment in which all the right answers are no longer relevant. The political outcome is really not important. The interests of A and the apprehensions of B make no difference; how C will react and what will transpire this way or that are irrelevant. There is a certain space that you enter, without even realizing that you are there. But if you continue from that space to make all of these logical calculations, you lose everything."

"That is true," said the minister (a truly brilliant man) "but we are not in that space."

And then I understood the problem. The problem is that "we are not in that space." And we are not there because of the same mentality that plagued us in Gush Katif. The destruction of Migron and the Ulpana Hill don't move us into that space: They are still being represented by the same Yesha Council, whose very existence will always ensure that we do not reach the space in which the settlers and their tens of thousands of supporters will embark on a genuine struggle to save their Land.

We all had a role to play in Gush Katif. We thought that we were going to Kfar Maimon to battle the Expulsion. But in truth, we were all actors in a make-believe struggle. Everything was already decided before we started out. Our role was to play a bit with the army. The army's role was to be sensitive and determined. Afterwards, we cried. It was everything but a struggle. The role of the Yesha Council was to ensure that we would never get to that space – to the genuine struggle.

The entire settler establishment is dependent on government funding. Even more, it is mentally dependent on the government. It is dependent on its ability to provide the goods; to ensure that the minister will always answer, "We are not there yet."

They refuse to understand that Judea and Samaria are "out;" that the reality has changed since the good old days of Sebastia and Menachem Begin. Today, an underground tunnel is being dug for a train between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. The most logical and direct route for the tunnel is along highway 443. But that highway is in "Palestinian" territory and thus the tunnel will tortuously wind through the hills ascending to Jerusalem.

Judea and Samaria no longer exist in Israel's long-term plans. All they are is a huge white blotch in the middle of the map of Israel. This is the reality in which we have allowed the Left to corner us. They built a political border fence in the name of security; they created a new reality on the ground without asking anybody. All that is left now is to slowly gnaw away at the settlements until the opportunity for the final blow presents itself. The only new settlement currently being built by Israel is Ruabi – for the Arabs.

True, in the midst of this strategic process, Zambish can still get authorization for a public building here and to finish construction that had already been approved there. But the strategic picture is the negative of the gleeful days of Sebastia. The enticement to remain on good terms with the establishment, the source of the Yesha Council's power, blinds them to the necessity to fight it.

Currently, the settlement leadership is legitimizing the establishment that strives to destroy it. This situation requires us to fight against even the smallest blow to the settlements; to relate to the demand to move one caravan one centimeter as if it was the destruction of Ma'aleh Adumim. The settlers are being led to their destruction by leadership that is incapable of understanding reality. They will always agree to all types of arrangements; they will always buy short term relief in exchange for long term existence; they will always hasten the end instead of distancing it; they will twist and turn with Begin in Migron and will bring the bulldozers closer to the Ulpana Hill.

When Migron will G-d forbid be destroyed, or when the homes on Ulpana Hill will be sealed or even worse (or whatever "creative solution" they will reach there) the Yesha Council will decry the destruction. Nobody expects otherwise. Their role is to ensure that there will be no genuine struggle; that there will be no public atmosphere of doing everything possible for the cause. They will ensure that we will once again be dragged from our homes like harmless sacks of potatoes, while the country will continue with business as usual. Our rightist journalists will write terrible things about Netanyahu. Our Likud members will run from one minister to the next. The hilltop youth will continue to hate the state; our wonderful children will sneak into Migron in the middle of the night and wage a heroic and boring battle: Everyone will play his role in the grand drama whose finale has already been written.

What can you do? Circumvent Zambish. If you need funding for your settlement, turn directly to the relevant minister. Stop paying taxes to Amanah (the settlement organization). Do not vote for a local candidate who does not commit himself to stop funding Amanah. Understand that what made the Expulsion possible then, is making it possible today.

 
From Yad Vashem Zionism to Temple Zionism

28 Iyar, 5772
May 20, '12

Translated from the Makor Rishon newspaper

Some people still think that the reason that our national train continues to speed down the Oslo track is because of the people at the helm. Begin surrendered the Sinai Peninsula because he was tricked. Netanyahu hugged Arafat because he is pliable. Sharon destroyed Gush Katif because he is corrupt. And the list goes on. But the truth is just the opposite. The Right continues to slide down the slippery slope of the "peace process" not because of the weakness of its leaders but despite the fact that its leaders are eminently capable. Who can compare to Menachem Begin's dedication to the Nation of Israel? Who is a greater war hero and builder of the Land than Sharon? And can we really compare the human gallery that the other parties have to offer to the talent of Binyamin Netanyahu? Netanyahu likes to boast of the achievements of his ministers, and he is right. The executive arm of this government is functioning well and Israel enjoys one of the most professional and effective governments that it has ever known.

We should not be searching for the failure of the Right in its chosen leaders, but rather in its ideology. The ideology of the classic Right must ultimately drag it to destruction. For the political Right is the right hand of Zionism. And Zionism's current creed, that it "has no connection to religion" is really much more appropriate to the Left than to the Right. That is the root of the reason why Zionist legitimacy remains with the Left despite the fact that the majority of Israelis are rightist and traditional.

What was the idea, the tremendous force that established the State of Israel against all odds? What was the spirit that restored the Nation of Israel to history? It was the shaking off of religion that was considered – justifiably – to be the noose hanging the Jew above reality, never allowing the Jewish Nation to connect with the ground under its feet.

And here I must provide a short explanation for those readers who have raised an eyebrow: When the Holy Temple in Jerusalem was destroyed, the national Jewish connection to reality was sundered. The Temple, the perfection of the world in the Kingdom of the Almighty, is the ultimate purpose of our national existence; it is also the axis around which the daily lives of the individual and the collective revolved. The Temple provided a timeline, the thrice yearly ascent to Jerusalem, an entire annual cycle of life.

Jewish sovereignty without the Temple is like a state without a capital, a parliament, national holidays – without anything. Religion in its present configuration was the most successful start-up in history; the virtualization of the Nation of Israel; it was the preservation of its national existence outside reality until its return to Zion and the building of the Temple.

But in the course of 2,000 years the virtualization became an existential consciousness. The Lamentations that we recite on the 9th of Av have their set place on our bookshelves, ready and waiting for the next year. The Mashiach has been transformed from the symbol of vibrant Judaism interacting with every level of reality into a non-intrusive Santa Clause who makes no demands. And who is also the greatest delayer of the coming of the Mashiach.

The Zionists who cut the religion umbilical cord suddenly felt the earth under their feet; they sensed it responding to the national flexing of muscles. Suddenly, we were a normal nation. A monumental redemptive energy that was suppressed for 2,000 years burst forth after the disconnection from religion. That energy carried the Zionist revolution on its back. It inflated the sails of the ship until after the Yom Kippur War, Entebbe and the Right's victory in the 1977 elections - and that was the end.

It was only logical that when the Zionist spirit dissipated, it was specifically the Right that led the great retreats. For while Begin did retain the strong nationalism of Jabotinsky, what connection did he have to the Sinai? Not the Left's plow and not the Bible. He hurriedly called upon Laborites Moshe Dayan and Ezer Weitzman to join him so that he would enjoy legitimacy for the move that looked like the end of Zionism, but was really its natural outcome; the actualization of the dream of normalcy. The self-destruction mechanism built in to Zionism was triggered. IDF bulldozers destroyed an entire chain of settlements in the Sinai. Now they are on their way to Ulpana Hill. Moshe Dayan was replaced by Ehud Barak, Weitzman by Shaul Mofaz – the principle was determined then.

When the floodgates were opened by Begin, the Left had nothing to do but to become more and more radical. So in a right-left-right-left movement – the right hand dismantling and the left hand pushing and pulling - Zionism was pushed closer and closer to the edge of the abyss.

In truth, when G-d is outside the game, this is the only possible outcome. We can consider ourselves great heroes, real "killers" who will always defeat the entire world. But there is a limit to how much the lone sheep can continue to live surrounded by all the wolves.

Much more important: When there was (Zionist) spirit, the pre-State Palmach fighter thought that he would always prevail – and he was right. But when Zionism melted and G-d remained outside, the only thing that brings the people out into the streets is the lower price of Israeli chocolate in London, normal and comfortable existence and nothing beyond that. When no alternative leadership holds up a vision of destiny, the only thing the public can expect from the leadership is to calm the situation at any price; to sustain its connection to the world; to preserve normalcy; to neutralize any landmines that may smear our uniqueness right back into our faces. Simply put, the public expects its leaders to retreat, retreat and retreat from any possible battlefront. Ulpana Hill, security prisoners, Ahmadinijad, the Shalit deal: Without destiny, all that is left is to retreat to the constantly shrinking remnants of existence.

Now we have the broadest coalition ever in Israel searching for meaning. It wants maximum governability and minimum destiny; maximum economy and security and minimum international legitimacy.

It is not the leaders of the Right. It is much bigger than them. It is the spirit that is missing. We must progress from the Zionism of existence to the Zionism of destiny; from Zionism of Holocaust memorial Yad-Vashem to Zionism of the Temple.

 

Video: Shmuel Sackett on Current Events, Manhigut Yehudit and Israeli Politics









Don't miss this stimulating and humorous analysis by Shmuel Sackett from his recent lecture in Katzrin. Click here.

 

 

 

 

 

In the News


Israel National News: 26 Iyar 5772 (May 18, '12)

Likud Members Concerned Over Sharon-Style Split by Netanyahu

By Elad Benari

Likud members expressed concerns on Thursday that Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu may split the Likud party and perhaps even join Kadima.

The concerns were raised after Netanyahu decided to postpone a Knesset vote on a bill for legalizing Jewish outposts and disputed neighborhoods. The vote on the bill had been scheduled for Wednesday but Netanyahu, who objects to the bill, refused to allow ministers to vote freely on the issue, a fact which would have caused the bill not to pass.

One of the disputed neighborhoods is the Ulpana neighborhood in Beit El, which the Supreme Court recently ruled must be demolished by July 1. Kadima chairman Shaul Mofaz, now a minister in Netanyahu's government, has already said that he opposes a law that would ensure that the residents the Ulpana neighborhood could remain in their homes.

Likud Minister Dan Meridor has also said that the neighborhood must be torn down and that legalization is not an option.

Moshe Feiglin, the Chairman of the Manhigut Yehudit faction of the Likud, told Arutz Sheva that while there are only rumors of a potential split in the Likud at this point, they are substantiated. Such a split would be similar to the move by Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, who broke away from the Likud in the face of intense internal opposition and formed Kadima, in order to push through the unilateral disengagement from Gaza in 2005.

“There has been talk in the Likud of the possibility of such a split,” said Feiglin. “This is a general feeling that transcends sectors and camps within the Likud. Netanyahu could take Likud to a similar place as Sharon did.”

He added, “I hope I'm wrong and that these fears are false, but we need to also prepare for this possibility. We must not be caught surprised.”

Sharon’s split from the Likud caused it to collapse and achieve only 12 seats in the 2006 elections. Under Netanyahu’s leadership the party recovered and rose to 27 seats in 2009.

Feiglin encouraged all Likud supporters to request clarifications from Likud ministers regarding a potential split.

“We must ask at every meeting with Likud members of Knesset to publicly commit that they will remain in the Likud,” he said. “It is important that the leaders know that the party is what gave them their jobs, this understanding is important. Unfortunately Sharon became a bit dizzy, and I hope this never happens to Netanyahu.

Feiglin noted that Netanyahu “has many rights, is a talented man and I'm not saying he is planning such a move right now, but we should nevertheless be prepared. We’ve seen such a scenario happen before."
 

Likud Members Meeting with Deputy PM Silvan Shalom and Moshe Feiglin


In honor of Jerusalem, this meeting is an opportunity to meet fellow Likud activists who are not necessarily connected to Manhigut Yehudit (yet). The meeting will be conducted in Hebrew.

Tuesday, 8 Sivan / May 29th

Chen Hotel (entrance to Bayit Vegan on Hapisgah St., opposite Har Herzl)

Jerusalem

From the Central Bus Station take any bus that goes to Har Herzl or take the train

7:00 PM

Looking forward to seeing you there!

Click here for Hebrew invitation

Sponsored by the Jerusalem Branch of Manhigut Yehudit
 

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What can I do?

If you are already a Likud member and you would like to check your membership status, just email us at: shir@manhigut.org. Be sure to include your name, Israeli ID No., and a phone number where it is easiest to reach you. Or give us a call at our  "English Speakers" office: 02-996-1123 (Israel), or 516-620-2475 (USA).

If you are not Israeli citizen, you can  become a Manhigut Yehudit International Member. Joining Manhigut Yehudit International is much more than just a donation. Now you're part of the team!  If you are interested in arranging a lecture or meeting in your community with Moshe Feiglin or Shmuel Sackett, either in Israel or in the USA, please contact Dovid Shirel at shir@manhigut.org, or call: 02-996-1123 (Israel) or 516-620-2475 (USA).
 

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